With all the backbone of a modern-day Neville Chamberlain, this was how the world’s largest economy chose to deal with the news that its long-term partner in the east was placing even further restrictions upon freedom of speech.
The story of Thailand’s democratic history is a patchy one to say the least, but recent issues probably stem from the beginning of Thaksin Shinawatra’s first term as Prime Minister in 2001. Although far from being the perfect leader, his chief political mistake was to garner support for his party in the north and northeast of the country, challenging the traditional seat of power in Bangkok. And when we say the traditional seat of power, we are indeed referring to the Thailand’s military top brass and the monarchy they profess to protect. When Thaksin sold $1 billion worth of shares in the telecommunications giant Shincorp to foreign investors, without paying taxes, the military were given the perfect excuse to act. A highly effective grass roots smear campaign was run against Thaksin accusing him of handing foreign states the power to spy on Thailand through their purchase of these shares; in effect violating Thailand’s sovereignty. The game of thrones had begun and a campaign by the military, to oust the prime minister, fully under way.
And so began a period of military interference in Thai politics, beginning in the coup of 2006 when Thaksin was deposed, and continuing in varying degrees right up until the present day. The difference between then and now, however, is that the current junta leader, Prayuth Chan-o-cha, is less willing to play the “reluctant servant of the state” role that was previously adopted. Prayuth has quite bullishly taken the reins of power and is unreservedly unapologetic for securing the future of Thai sovereignty in whatever way he sees fit. The way he currently sees fit is to make sure that Thailand’s citizens are denied the appropriate channels of information.
If a glib shot across the junta’s bows is not enough to convince of the growing threat to freedom of speech that is slowly pervading Thai society under Prayuth’s despotic reign, then consider the actions taken towards an event planned in June by the Foreign Correspondent’s Club of Thailand. Using some half-baked excuse about it sowing seeds of dissent to justify their actions, Thai authorities asked for an FCCT debate on Thailand’s lese majeste laws, some of the strictest in the world, to be canceled forthwith. When this request was declined, they then resorted instead to the threat of force. On Sept. 22, another blow against freedom of speech was struck when The International New York Times was pulled from press due to an article it was running on the ill health of current monarch, King Bhumibol Adulyadej, and worries over the coming succession. Apparently, such considerations were just too sensitive to print.
These examples of the way the junta is managing the flow of information both from and into Thailand do not stand alone. According to one source, the number of lese majeste prosecutions have risen from just two, prior to the current coup, to an incredible 46. Even more worrying, however, are recent revelations that Thailand now intends to censor the Internet by condensing information flow into a single gateway — similar to the Great Firewall of China. This will allow Thai authorities to monitor web traffic with incredibly accurate scrutiny, and it doesn’t take a seasoned bookmaker to bet that the figure of ’46’ is going to get a whole lot bigger if these proposals go ahead.
So, with the prospects for democracy in Thailand seeming so bleak, with abuses against freedom of speech prevalent, and with web traffic sifted through in this most tyrannical manner — all in the name of protecting the Thai people and its King — can the democratic nations of the world continue to turn a blind eye? While Thailand has been under the human rights microscope for quite some time, the authorities have always managed to keep just under the radar and, if not, have always seemed to pull something out of their hats with which to keep the West sweet. The junta’s recent u-turn on joining the Trans Pacific Partnership springs immediately to mind. But under Prayuth’s unashamedly despotic leadership, the western response is going to have to get a lot more serious than it previously was, especially as the first draft of a new constitution is currently in the works.
The EU imports nearly 20 billion euros worth of Thai goods every year and consequently bears considerable influence upon its long time friends and allies. But it needs to realize, and sooner rather than later, that writing a polite letter of complaint might be a fine way of tackling disagreements over trade pricing, but it is far from suitable for dealing with serious abuses of basic human freedoms.
