The United Socialist Party of Venezuela appears anything but, as it heads into its first congress since the death of founder Hugo Chavez torn by power struggles and economic woes.
The populist firebrand's hand-picked successor, President Nicolas Maduro, faces internal dissent over his leadership at the PSUV's third congress this weekend, and deep rifts have emerged over economic policies that some members blame for the severe shortages racking the country.
"At first it seemed like the strategic objective for the congress was to consolidate Maduro as political boss and unify the chain of command," said social psychologist and political analyst Colette Capriles.
"But that objective changed. The congress is going to be a confrontation between the party base and the halls of power," she told AFP.
Since April, when the party began preparing for the congress with a series of declarations about unity, fissures have formed in the movement known as "chavismo."
The largest emerged when one of its most radical members was sacked from the government, former finance and planning minister Jorge Giordani.
Giordani was the architect of the strict foreign currency controls that critics say have contributed to shortages of basic goods, a sharp decline in investments and runaway inflation.
After his ouster, he turned on the party's top brass, saying there was corruption festering in "chavismo," accusing Maduro of a lack of leadership and complaining the president had caved in to pressure from the private sector.
Other one-time loyalists echoed the radical Marxists's criticisms, breaking one of the "ethics rules" set out in the "Red Book of the PSUV": the one telling members to "abstain" from public statements against the party or its leaders.
Maduro dismissed them as the "outdated left," and some were disciplined by the party.
But the discontent has not disappeared.
- Disparate factions -
Chavez launched the PSUV in 2008 to unite the disparate political machine underlying his rule, which was larger than the now-defunct Fifth Republic Movement (MVR) that brought him to power in 1999.
Since Chavez died in March 2013, three disparate wings have emerged in the PSUV: one led by Maduro, the strongman's political heir; one led by Diosdado Cabello, who marshals the former lieutenant colonel's network of military followers; and one led by Rafael Ramirez, the powerful head of the petroleum-rich country's state oil firm.
Analysts say the disagreements among them have caused policy paralysis, especially on economic decisions.
"Chavez's absence has caused the emergence of distinct factions of power, which he controled vertically," said Capriles.
Cabello, the PSUV's first vice president and speaker of the National Assembly, has repeatedly called on the party to "defend the unity of the revolution."
But dissident voices are making themselves heard.
Party member Heiber Barreto said there was a "rank and file rebellion" under foot, pointing to the low turnout rate for elections to choose delegates for this weekend's congress: just two million of the party's seven million members cast ballots.
"Chavismo is in a process of revolt against the autocratic policies of the PSUV's stagnant casts... which ignore the people," he told AFP.
He said the party base was alienated by the fact that the congress will not even discuss themes like the economic crisis, annual inflation that is hovering above 60 percent and the government's "pact" with big business.
Capriles said the party would likely manage to agree on electing Maduro as its president.
The most difficult part, she said, would be "winning back the rank and file."
The United Socialist Party of Venezuela appears anything but, as it heads into its first congress since the death of founder Hugo Chavez torn by power struggles and economic woes.
The populist firebrand’s hand-picked successor, President Nicolas Maduro, faces internal dissent over his leadership at the PSUV’s third congress this weekend, and deep rifts have emerged over economic policies that some members blame for the severe shortages racking the country.
“At first it seemed like the strategic objective for the congress was to consolidate Maduro as political boss and unify the chain of command,” said social psychologist and political analyst Colette Capriles.
“But that objective changed. The congress is going to be a confrontation between the party base and the halls of power,” she told AFP.
Since April, when the party began preparing for the congress with a series of declarations about unity, fissures have formed in the movement known as “chavismo.”
The largest emerged when one of its most radical members was sacked from the government, former finance and planning minister Jorge Giordani.
Giordani was the architect of the strict foreign currency controls that critics say have contributed to shortages of basic goods, a sharp decline in investments and runaway inflation.
After his ouster, he turned on the party’s top brass, saying there was corruption festering in “chavismo,” accusing Maduro of a lack of leadership and complaining the president had caved in to pressure from the private sector.
Other one-time loyalists echoed the radical Marxists’s criticisms, breaking one of the “ethics rules” set out in the “Red Book of the PSUV”: the one telling members to “abstain” from public statements against the party or its leaders.
Maduro dismissed them as the “outdated left,” and some were disciplined by the party.
But the discontent has not disappeared.
– Disparate factions –
Chavez launched the PSUV in 2008 to unite the disparate political machine underlying his rule, which was larger than the now-defunct Fifth Republic Movement (MVR) that brought him to power in 1999.
Since Chavez died in March 2013, three disparate wings have emerged in the PSUV: one led by Maduro, the strongman’s political heir; one led by Diosdado Cabello, who marshals the former lieutenant colonel’s network of military followers; and one led by Rafael Ramirez, the powerful head of the petroleum-rich country’s state oil firm.
Analysts say the disagreements among them have caused policy paralysis, especially on economic decisions.
“Chavez’s absence has caused the emergence of distinct factions of power, which he controled vertically,” said Capriles.
Cabello, the PSUV’s first vice president and speaker of the National Assembly, has repeatedly called on the party to “defend the unity of the revolution.”
But dissident voices are making themselves heard.
Party member Heiber Barreto said there was a “rank and file rebellion” under foot, pointing to the low turnout rate for elections to choose delegates for this weekend’s congress: just two million of the party’s seven million members cast ballots.
“Chavismo is in a process of revolt against the autocratic policies of the PSUV’s stagnant casts… which ignore the people,” he told AFP.
He said the party base was alienated by the fact that the congress will not even discuss themes like the economic crisis, annual inflation that is hovering above 60 percent and the government’s “pact” with big business.
Capriles said the party would likely manage to agree on electing Maduro as its president.
The most difficult part, she said, would be “winning back the rank and file.”