Self-destructing parties

If there is one thing that is deemed as level-playing field in Philippine politics, it’s the fact that parties, ruling or otherwise, self-destruct, whether for convenience or due to turn of events, in their effort to gain more adherents. In the past month alone, this scenario has been repeated numerous times, strengthening once again the dubious concept of turncoatism as a social malady that erodes at the founda-tion of good politics in this country. The political exodus was made more prominent just two weeks after Sen. Benigno Aquino Jr., at the egging of people known for their elitist links, declared his intention to run for President in 2010 under the Liberal Party (LP). Like fireflies and butterflies fluttering in search of a temporary roost, overnight the yellow color, his mother’s political hue, became the dominant shade. The bulk of the new allies, predicta-bly, came from the administration bloc. The Liberal’s gain was the loss of other parties. To sustain the momentum, which started to shoot up after Sen. Mar Roxas sacrificed his presi-dential bid, LP managed to convince former Sen. Ralph Recto and wife, Batangas Gov. Vilma Santos, to bolt the admin bloc and join Aquino’s revitalized party. In the end, though, the LP would find itself shortchanged after former Sen. Serge Osmena, a party stalwart and victim of the Marcos regime, hurriedly packed up his bags and left the party, deciding instead to run on his own merits without any party support. For the Nacionalista Party (NP), the initial takeoff was turbulent-free. Would-be candidates that were looking for logistically sound alliances were early on tipped off which bloc has the money, or to put it correctly, the party that can finance machinery. NP is Sen. Manuel Villar, a billionaire, and there’s no ar-guing the link is clearly defined. NP’s over-extended desire to draw in as many new members as possible from all sectors of society was an initial success. The Senate lineup it temporarily formed was an amalgam of candidates coming from different political colors and party ideologies. Militant groups like Bayan and Gabriela were repre-sented, and the Magdalo faction that staged a coup against the government also earned a slot. But what jarred an otherwise stable coalition was the erroneous alliance Sen. Villar made with Rep. Ferdinand ‘Bongbong’ Marcos Jr. whose candidacy, in the eyes of many, is perceived as a direct con-tradiction to what the NP really stands for. Aside the fact that the congressman’s father was an NP stal-wart, the public opinion remains that any effort to revive the Marcos legacy is not acceptable. Adding knotty concerns to Villar-Marcos accord is the removal of Kilusang Bayang Lipunan (KBL) support for Marcos Jr. To be more precise, Bongbong, the titular head of the Ilocano bloc, was re-moved from the party his father formed and institutionalized. Another party that is experiencing rough sailing is the Nationalist People’s Coalition (NPC). After unico hijo Sen. Francis Escudero, bolted the party to follow a non-partisan vision, another stalwart, Sen. Loren Legarda, jumped ship and joined Villar’s camp. The twin debacles leave NPC a rudderless party that, as a matter of survival, has to coalesce with a yet to be named bloc. But in a season of partisan swaps, often the major victim is the ruling league. In this case, despite argument that the exodus of members is an offshoot of the merger, the Lakas-Kampi-CMD is helpless in stopping the departure of its stalwarts, leaving behind only numerical superiority that may not be strong enough to overhaul the growing popularity of the LP. Party alliances may be good, but these do not necessarily spell strength in character. A rainbow coalition may project an aura of unity but it is deceptive where its potency to bring candidates to the win-ning podium is concerned. Even if the partnership has the logistics to mount a no-nonsense campaign, the municipal character of Philippine elections suggest that in the end the support of local officials will de-termine the victory of national candidates under a certain political group. There is reason to believe that as months roll along, the LP bloc will continue to grow. But like the Lakas which has too many chefs in its employ, the Aquino party may be promoting internal strife. With the Filipino voters being known for their short memory, it is not hard to predict that in the end the party with more cohesion will get the largest chunk of the political pie. Like the 2007 political expedition, Lakas is not expected to bring in a majority in the Senate after the smoke has been cleared. People, as always, find sins of omissions in any incumbent admin, and that perception of neglect almost always is the reason why ruling blocs fail in their bids to retain power. Other parties like the Partido ng Masang Pilipino (PMP), on the other hand, will work hard to re-gain its old popularity, and dopesters believe that the effectiveness of this Estrada-centered organization is past prime. With a conviction indelibly trailing him, any amount of conviction and persuasion former President Joseph Estrada brings to the campaign trail is always short. Party triumphs are, in many instances, inspired by the individuals that populate the organiza-tion’s official slate. In the NP, for instance, the mixture of characters brought into the line-up may draw new voters to the camp while conversely encouraging purists to decamp and seek shelter elsewhere. Philippine politics is not just about winning; in many occasions it is also tied to factors like family dynasty, regionalism, patronage, gratitude (‘utang na loob’), feudalism, and even terrorism. Taken into a larger perspective, a good number of posts snared by powerful politicos are not won by popular support but by other circumstances that stifle the free and unfettered use of suffrage. In Filipino politics, number has become a dubious item if we go by the fact that there as many parties as there are candidates for the presidency. The notion of electing a majority president has become mythical, a reality that adds more instability to the country’s administrative structures.